
The Wealth of Nations
Wealth is not gold in a vault but what a country produces, and specialization multiplies it. Smith begins with ten men making pins and every economic argument since descends from him.

Wealth is not gold in a vault but what a country produces, and specialization multiplies it. Smith begins with ten men making pins and every economic argument since descends from him.

Workers create more value than their wages return, Marx argues, and that gap is profit. No economic book has reshaped politics more, and the chapter on the working day still burns.

You work a machine you do not own, making something you never see again, and it hollows you out. Marx calls this alienation, and the Manifesto makes it a demand for revolution.

Calvinists could not know whether they were saved, so they worked without rest and spent nothing. Capitalism grew out of that anxiety, Weber argues, then shed the faith and kept the iron cage.

Marcuse argues that rich societies control people by satisfying them. The needs advertising invents get met, dissent gets absorbed and sold back, and the capacity to imagine a different arrangement quietly withers away.

One hundred fifty-three fragments on private life inside a ruined civilization: how we give gifts, keep house, and speak to friends. Adorno's verdict is that wrong life cannot be lived rightly.

Desire is not lack but production, and psychoanalysis crushes it into the triangle of daddy, mommy and me. Foucault proposed retitling Deleuze and Guattari's book Introduction to the Non-Fascist Life.

Smith, Malthus, Marx, Veblen and Keynes written as characters, obsessions and bad ideas intact. Nearly four million copies have sold, and generations took their economics from this rather than a textbook.

Two revolutions, one political in France and one industrial in Britain, fused into a single upheaval that remade work, politics, art, and belief. Historians still carve up the nineteenth century along Hobsbawm's lines.

The twentieth century runs from 1914 to 1991 in Hobsbawm's account, moving through catastrophe, a golden age of postwar boom, then landslide. No later history of the century has displaced it.

Political freedom depends on economic freedom, Friedman argues, since markets disperse power governments concentrate. Proposals that read as heresy in 1962, ending the draft and floating the dollar, were policy by 1973.

Oil is the story of the modern world, Yergin argues, and he follows it from the first Pennsylvania derrick through two world wars that ran on it to Saddam Hussein's tanks in Kuwait.

Galbraith reconstructs how a country talked itself into buying stock with borrowed money, from the Florida land boom onward, and names the bezzle: the embezzlement a rising market hides and a crash exposes.

Every economic law follows from one fact, Mises argues: people act to relieve uneasiness. Planners without market prices are blind, and three generations of the libertarian right have drawn their economics from him.

Capitalism is not dying into socialism, Burnham argues, but into rule by the managers who actually run production, in Berlin, Moscow and Washington alike. Orwell took Nineteen Eighty-Four's three superstates straight from him.

The philanthropists of the title are house painters who give their labor away and defend the system that ruins them. Owen, the socialist, cuts up bread to demonstrate the money trick.

Four generations of one bank, from Victorian London to the crash of 1987. Chernow's Pierpont Morgan locks New York's bankers in his library until they agree to end the Panic of 1907.

Pendergrast traces coffee from an Ethiopian hillside to the corner cafe, through Brazilian slave plantations and the US-backed coup in Guatemala, and shows how grocery marketing wars made American coffee undrinkable.